The success of Vox in the recent elections in Andalucía has put an end to Spain’s political exception in Europe, the lack of support for the populist extreme right in response to the current uneasiness, vulnerability and confusion in the electorate. Note it was only an apparent exception.  The nationalist secessionist movement in Cataluña in particular but also in other Spanish regions has always been an ultra-right movement that shows little difference from Franco’s National Movement of the previous century. The only distinction being the nation they dream. Just substitute Spain in the 1950s for Cataluña today and the rest is the same: pervasive national Catholicism in the region’s politics; imposition of one single language; control of the school system and every sports and cultural activity; manipulation of mass media and spread of fake news; a clientele system through budget manipulation. All for a superior cause: to build a new nation and to create good Catalan citizens.

In fact, populism has been present in Spain’s politics and Parliament since the rise of the M15 movement and its transformation into a successful political party, Podemos. One could even argue that populism has been in government since Rajoy was voted out by a negative coalition including separatists, former terrorists, and anti-globalization anti-capitalism parties. What is surprising, however, is the alacrity with which the socialist party, PSOE, has now begun to shout about the danger in the populism and even fascism with Vox – Franco is back.  But they do so now that they cannot count on these populist votes to hold their grip on power.

The unprejudiced reader would be interested to know that it is not Vox but Podemos that is making calls to abandon the European Union and the euro if the EU is not amendable to radical change, to opening a revolutionary process to surpass the straight jacket of the “imposed Constitution” of 1978, one that received 88% of popular votes. They would also like to rein in not only the free press but also the power of money in the media, and to quit the IMF and the World Bank, otherwise known to them as the institutional reincarnation of evil. It is true, Vox has dared to challenge the decentralization of Spain and calls for a return to central rule, but that can hardly be considered extreme right – if that is the case, then France has been the epitome of the ultra-right for centuries. Yes, Vox has extreme views on controlling migration and turning back gender ideology. Both those issues have become controversial across Europe and the US – not only in Hungary or Poland, but also on long established progressive welfare states like Sweden, Denmark, or Germany, not to mention France or Italy. Spain is no different.

The so-called progressive media has called to arms – by which I mean the literary and political of course – to defend our fundamental core values as Europeans. A little late, I must say. Stigmatizing Vox will not abate the reasons why it has attracted 11% of the popular vote, and continues to rise. In just the same way, the press could have been a bit more assertive and keen to defend these values when the extremist on the left (Podemos) and the separatists in Cataluña threatened Spain’s successful political transition from the Franco era to a prosperous democracy and an advanced social state and backed PSOE and Pedro Sánchez in June 2018.

Vox is the political product of three underlying forces that have come to stay in Spain. Let us look briefly at each of them.

First of all, Spanish nationalism. After years of listening enviously to the French chanting La Marseille  and watching the British proudly wave their Union Jack, the secessionists have pushed Spaniards to something that would have been unimaginable just a couple of years ago: ordinary  citizens are proud to be Spaniards and are saying so publicly.  The Spanish political establishment must understand that now these awakened Spanish citizens demand to be treated as equals, regardless of where in the country they live; that they claim the same quality public services and funding; that they do not accept to be ignored. Administrative or political decentralization cannot equate with privilege – not even perceived privilege. No region can take advantage of the system.

Second, migration has been a blessing and a curse. Migration produced the structural liberalization of the labor market that Spain so desperately needed. Furthermore, it has broken the cultural, racial, and even social homogeneity of the country, and has brought true forward-looking diversity and tolerance. However, it has forced the underprivileged and poorer Spaniards to compete for jobs, quality education, hospital beds, and health expenditure at a time of fiscal adjustment and high unemployment. Thus, even some of those who voted for Podemos are now attracted to Vox. Spain needs a well-considered, consensual, intelligent, and persistent migration policy – a policy that is not simply emotional, altruistic, and naïve.

Third, people are fed up with traditional politics. Around the world, people put the blame on politicians for all maladies, including those that are self-inflicted. Politicians have lied too much, have failed to deliver on promises, and have hidden the hard facts for too long.  We cannot blame the electorate for looking for easy solutions, desiring quick fixes to their problems. We have been treated like children and like children we vote.

I can´t foresee the future for Vox, just as I can´t predict any rising star in the universe of politics, because children are capricious and disloyal. Voters often go with the flow and are easy prey to street smart and unprincipled politicians. What I do know, though, is that we deserve to be told the facts – and we are in an age when I must iterate: true facts. We need leaders that can show us the way in these turbulent times, not just sympathetic politicians that both nourish and thrive on our fears. The fact is that globalization, digitalization, and an aging population are changing the world – that cozy, protected environment in which we Europeans so comfortably exist. So, unless the traditional parties tell us how they plan to assuage the pain of change, the search for magicians and demagogues will continue.

Fernando Fernández Méndez de Andés: Profesor de Economía, IE University